The Cameroonian and international public is convinced it is obvious that Paul Biya and the “elites” he has surrounded himself with through presidential decree appointments intend to leave power only by force of arms.

As long as they have the army and the support of France in their service, Paul Biya and his entourage, mainly composed of Bulu, Beti and Bamileke “elites”, will never leave power through democratic or legal means.

The Anglophones have understood this evidence, and based on their faith that the people are sovereign, they took to the streets in late 2016 after the regime ignored the demands of their lawyers’ and teachers’ unions.

Paul Biya sent delegations of his “elites” to Anglophone regions in order to wind them up, as they so artfully use to do, with false promises.

His delegations suffered a crushing defeat, their Anglophone interlocutors (Agbor Balla Nkongho, Niba Fontem, Tassang and the others) proving to be very tough, demanding a constitutional revision to restore the federation [illegally] aborted in 1972 by Ahmadou Ahidjo (whose presidency’s Secretary General was Paul Biya) as a central demand.

Stuck, Paul Biya in his December 31, 2016 speech labeled as “Division” the federation the Anglophone people claimed, stating that Cameroon is a “ONE and INDIVISIBLE country”, presenting the November and December peaceful Anglophone protesters as “A group of extremist protesters, manipulated and exploited …” which is “UNACCEPTABLE”, thus justifying the assassination of those killed by live ammunition of his armed forces, and calling “verbal bidding” the claim for the return of Cameroon to federalism.

In response to the demand for a return to federation, he gave his government and supporters the following order: “We must remain open to the ideas of improvement, excluding, however, those that would affect the form of our state.” For he wrote in capital letters, “CAMEROON IS ONE AND INDIVISIBLE!”.

Even though in the time of the Federal Republic of Cameroon, Paul Biya cites no instance of division of Cameroon – because it does not exist -, he still wants his people to believe that federation as form of State would be division of Cameroon.

In their public interventions, his governing “elites” alleged that the federalism demanded by the Anglophones is only the beginning of secession, equating at the same time Anglophone Cameroonians with the Nigerian Biafran neighbors.

And while negotiations between his delegations and the Consortium of Anglophone Trade Unions continued, Paul Biya suddenly ordered on January 17, 2017 the ban of the Consortium and the arrest of its leaders – who were still negotiating with his delegations.

All the Anglophones Paul Biya had arrested were brought before military tribunals, accused of insurrection and terrorism in accordance with the law 2014/028 of December 2014 (which assimilates unauthorized demonstrations to terrorism) and punishable by death penalty; this, in order to further inflame the anger of the Anglophone population already rebelling against his government that stubbornly refused to listen to them.

Because his armed forces continued to massacre Anglophone demonstrators, and because of their multiple calls to Francophone populations (who yet share the same sufferings) to go to the streets in order to end Paul Biya’s regime as in Burkina Faso, in Tunisia or Egypt, Cameroonian Francophones only responded with taunts and insults, calling them “Biafrans, Nigerians, rats,” etc., therefore, some peasants, benskiners, unemployed, heads of families and other Anglophones began to form self-defense groups to resist Biya’s terrorist forces and protect their populations.

And because Paul Biya and his “elites” continued to label the Anglophone resistance fighters as secessionists and terrorists, the Anglophone people, their armed resistance fighters and their Diaspora dropped the demand for a return to federalism and geared their struggle toward separation from the Republic of Cameroon.

On ground zero of the conflict in Anglophone zone, the Anglophone resistance fighters showed unsuspected bravery, inflicting heavy defeats on the famous rapid intervention battalions (BIR), who are soldiers trained by the Americans and the French as “special forces” or elite soldiers against Boko Haram terrorism.

It was then that Paul Biya and his troops understood that with the Anglophones, they entered a quagmire, since the United States, the Commonwealth, the United Nations, Great Britain and other countries accused their government of refusal of dialogue and disproportionate use of force.

Whenever their government is embroiled in a scandal or is accused of crimes, Paul Biya and his “elites” are experts in the creation of diversions, in order to divert public attention and get scandals to be forgotten.

They thus used the October 7, 2018 election, perfectly known as won in advance by Paul Biya with the help of his Elecam and his constitutional court, only to divert the Cameroonians’ and the international community’s attention from the ongoing genocide of the Anglophones, which their army performs every day.

To accompany and legitimize Paul Biya to power, the regime carefully selected nine docile candidates to play the role of opponents.

The Bamileke ethnic candidate, Maurice Kamto, is Paul Biya’s Joker card, his friend similar to Eto’o or Milla in football, whom he befriended long ago since the Bakassi case, to the point of appointing him as his Deputy Minister of Justice and still maintaining his wife as his Minister Plenipotentiary.

Remember that at each presidential reelection, not only he always uses the Indomitable Lions football team during his campaigns, posing as the Indomitable Lion of Cameroon, Paul Biya always uses the old “Bamileke problem” (which was created from scratch by a French colonial chronicler, Lamberton, to allege, during the struggle for independence, that in the absence of France the Cameroonian tribes would just eat each other) to allege that without him, Paul Biya, as the head of the State, there would be civil war, especially against the Bamileke.

It should be remembered that without the Bamileke, especially the Bamileke traders who are essentially [well known] corrupters, the Biya regime would not have been in power for 36 years.

For every Beti-Bulu Owona always has his Bamileke Fokou to make Paul Biya’s corrupt, plunderer and terrorist regime work.

If that were not the case, who contributed the most to Paul Biya’s last call for fundraising to supposedly help the Anglophone victims of his war – funds which have since then vanished -, if not the Bamileke merchants?

If that were not the case, what prompted Patrice Nganang’s release after his arrest for insulting Paul Biya and calling for terrorism, while Mancho Bibixy rots in the same Kondengui prison for having claimed good roads for Bamenda?

With each re-election of Paul Biya in 36 years of power, there have always been the Sindjoun Pokam, Shanda Tomne and others to mourn the victimization of the Bamileke, followed in response by the Joseph Owona (effectively replaced today by his son), Hubert Mono Ndjana and others, in order to ignite and fuel a false tribalism opposing the Bamileke to the Beti-Bulu, which carries the risk, they say, of leading Cameroon to a civil war, had it not been for the presence of Paul Biya as head of state.

The scarecrow of a civil war between Bamileke and Beti-Bulu is sometimes ridiculous, when the Bamileke Sindjoun Pokam proposes Edouard Akame Mfoumou as the Cameroonian opposition’s best single candidate in the 2004 presidential election against his Bulu brother Paul Biya .

Again this year, the Bamileke and Beti-Bulu bogeyman shakers of civil war shied not on ridicule, this time using Maurice Kamto as the instrument of tribal hatred, because he would supposedly be the biggest dissenter of Cameroon, even though Cameroon’s real dissenters, the Anglophones, are being massacred.

These diversions of public attention, however, have no restraint.

Even when Maurice Kamto clearly states that he will protect Paul Biya if he becomes president; that he even foiled a coup against Paul Biya; and declares that he has nothing to do with the “anti-sardinard brigades” that are leagued against Paul Biya and his supporters; while he was not arrested during his return from Addis Ababa as he was greeted in Douala by unauthorized demonstrations; and while he makes calls for civil disobedience that are followed by nobody in Cameroon; yet the distracters of public attention, the Sindjoun Pokam and Shanda Tomné nowadays called Patrice Nganang and others beat in all social networks and Cameroonian media the drums of Kamto’s and Bamileke’s victimization, a victimization of the Bamileke that no one sees anywhere worse than in any other ethnic populations in Paul Biya’s Cameroon.

This is simple to understand: Paul Biya uses his agents to ignite the debate about victimization of the Bamileke because he knows that everyone can go to Cameroon and find that there is no more favored tribe under his regime as the Bamileke; for he shares the regime’s national cake (the undeserved State favors) with Bamileke traders and “elites”.

With the “Bamileke problem”, Paul Biya’s Bamileke, Beti and Bulu agents create a problem where there is none, in order to present Paul Biya as an innocent and a saint.

And by playing such game, they divert the attention of Cameroonians and the world from the real problem ongoing currently in Cameroon, namely the Anglophone problem become that of war to the Anglophones.

There is no struggle against Paul Biya’s regime except popular and / or armed revolt struggle. I am speaking to the organizers of the upcoming conference of Berlin, which preceded the Summit on the Anglophone Crisis prepared by the CCT, which I announced for the end of January 2019.

Anything other than struggle by popular and / or armed revolt, especially any current victimization of the Bamileke, is only a well-known strategy of the dictatorial regime to portray the bloodthirsty Paul Biya as an innocent and saint.


Ndzana Seme, 27/12/2018.

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